They were involved in agriculture in one way or another. As a consequence, the continuities of social institutions and the potentiality of endogenous elements for bringing about change are overlooked (for a discussion of some other difficulties with these paradigms, see Lynch 1977). The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of a lower order within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. Thus, the result was the spread of the population of a caste division towards its fringes. While some of the divisions of a lower order might be the result of fission, some others might be a result of fusion. For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). There was an emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower. Firstly, there were divisions whose population was found almost entirely in towns. For example, if they belonged to two different second-order divisions, such as Shrimali and Modh, the punishment would be greater than if they belonged to two different ekdas within the Shrimali or the Modh division. The very low Brahmans such as Kayatias and Tapodhans were invited but made to eat separately from the rest of the Brahmans. There would be a wide measure of agreement with him on both these counts. The humble Charkha (spinning wheel) and khadi became a dominant symbol of self-reliance, self-determination and nationalist pride. All of this information supports the point emerging from the above analysis, that frequently there was relatively little concern for ritual status between the second-order divisions within a first- order division than there was between the first-order divisions. One of the clearly visible changes in caste in Gujarat is the increasing number of inter-divisional or so-called inter-caste marriages, particularly in urban areas, in contravention of the rule of caste endogamy. In any case, the population of any large caste was found in many kingdoms. Kuntasi, Lothal and Somnath of Gujarat regions in Harrapan civilization were familiar with weaving and the spinning of cotton for as long as four thousand years ago. There are thus a few excellent studies of castes as horizontal units. I have discussed above caste divisions in Gujarat mainly in the past, roughly in the middle of the 19th century. Although caste was found in both village and town, did it possess any special characteristics in the latter? % Systematic study of small caste divisions in villages as well as in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists. Their origin myth enshrined in their caste purana also showed them to be originally non-Brahman. The bulk of the population was spread all over the villages as small landholders, tenants and labourers. It is easy to understand that the pattern of change would be different in those first-order divisions (such as Rajput) or second-order divisions (such as Leva Kanbi) which did not have within them subdivisions of lower orders and which practised hypergamy extensively. I do not propose to review the literature on caste here; my aim is to point out the direction towards which a few facts from Gujarat lead us. In the second-order divisions of the Vanias the small endogamous units functioned more effectively and lasted longer: although the hypergamous tendency did exist particularly between the rural and the urban sections in a unit, it had restricted play. A few examples are: Brahman (priest), Vania (trader), Rajput (warrior and ruler), Kanbi (peasant), Koli (peasant), Kathi (peasant), Soni goldsmith), Suthar (carpenter), Valand (barber), Chamar (leatherworker), Dhed (weaver) and Bhangi (scavenger). Some of the other such divisions were Kathi, Dubla, Rabari, Bharwad, Mer (see Trivedi 1961), Vaghri, Machhi, Senwa, Vanzara, and Kharwa. Frequently, a division among Vanias corresponded to a division among Brahmans. Asking different questions and using different methods are necessary. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. In most parts of Gujarat it merged into the various second-order divisions of the Koli division and possible also into the widespread tribe of Bhils. Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. Although the ekda or tad was the most effective unit for endogamy, each unit of the higher order was also significant for endogamy. On the other hand, there was an almost simultaneous spurt in village studies. The castes pervaded by hierarchy and hypergamy had large populations spread evenly from village to village and frequently also from village to town over a large area. As regards the specific case of the Rajput-Koli relationship, my impression is that, after the suppression of female infanticide in the first half of the 19th century, the later prohibition of polygyny, and the recent removal of princely states and feudal land tenures among the Rajputs on the one hand, and the increasing sanskritization as well as Rajputization among the Kolis on the other, marriage ties between these divisions have become more extensive than before. In recent years, however, there has been a tendency to emphasize hierarchy as the primary principle encompassing the principle of division. Once the claim was accepted at either level, hypergamous marriage was possible. Real Estate Software Dubai > blog > manvar surname caste in gujarat. 4 GUJARAT 4273 SHODA . These divisions have, however, been kept out of the present analysis for reasons which have become well known to students of Hindu society since the 1950s. This was because political authorities were hierarchized from little kingdom to empire and the boundaries of political authorities kept changing. There were about three hundred divisions of this order in the region as a whole. Castes which did not sit together at public feasts, let alone at meals in homes, only 15 or 20 years ago, now freely sit together even at meals in homes. Homo Hierarchicus. More common was an ekda or tad having its population residing either in a few neighbouring villages, or in a few neighbouring towns, or in both. And even when a Brahman name corresponded with a Vania name, the former did not necessarily work as priests of the latter.The total number of second-divisions in a first-order division differed from one first-order division to another. so roamed around clueless. Kolis were the largest first-order division in Gujarat. Castes pervaded by divisive tendencies had small populations confined to small areas separated from each other by considerable gaps. The emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower was even more marked in the relationship among the forty or so second-order divisions. It is possible that there were a few divisions each confined to just one large city and, therefore, not having the horizontal dimension at all. Koli Patels are recognised as a Other Backward Class caste by Government of Gujarat. The chiefly families constituted a tiny proportion of the total population of any second-order division among the Kolis. Sometimes castes are described as becoming ethnic groups in modern India, particularly in urban India. Since these were all status categories rather than clear- cut divisions, I have not considered them as constituting third-order divisions. The four major woven fabrics produced by these communities are cotton, silk, khadi and linen. There is a patterned widening of the connubial field along an area chalked out historically. There were Brahman and Vania divisions of the same name, the myths about both of them were covered by a single text. Before publishing your articles on this site, please read the following pages: 1. The castes of the three categoriesprimarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urbanformed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. We will now analyze the internal structure of a few first-order divisions, each of which was split into divisions going down to the fourth order. This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. Further, during this lengthy process of slow amalgamation those who will marry in defiance of the barriers of sub-caste, will still be imbued with caste mentality (1932: 184). Kayatias and Tapodhans were considered such low Brahmans that even some non-Brahman castes did not accept food and water from them. The pattern of inter-divisional marriages shows how the idea of free marriage, which guides most of the inter-caste marriages, is restricted, modified, and graded according to the traditional structure of caste divisions. It reflects, on the one hand, the political aspirations of Kolis guided by the importance of their numerical strength in electoral politics and on the other hand, the Rajputs attempt to regain power after the loss of their princely states and estates. The ekdas have not yet lost their identities. We shall return to this issue later. Although it has been experiencing stresses and strains and has had ups and downs on account of the enormous diversity between the royal and the tribal ends, it has shown remarkable solidarity in recent years. It is argued that the various welfare programmes of each caste association, such as provision of medical facilities, scholarships and jobs for caste members contribute, in however small a way, to the solution of the nations problems. There was considerable elaboration in urban areas of what Ghurye long ago called the community aspect of caste (1932: 179) and frequently, this led to juxtaposition rather than hierarchy between caste divisions of the same order. Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. The hypergamous tendency was never as sharp, pervasive and regular among the Vania divisions as among the Rajputs, Leva Kanbis, Anavils and Khedawals. The Khadayatas were divided into about 30 ekdas. Among the Kanbis, while there was hypergamy within the Leva division and possibly, similar hypergamy within the Kadva division, there was no hierarchy or hypergamy between the two second-order divisions. Any one small caste may look insignificant in itself but all small castes put together become a large social block and a significant social phenomenon. These coastal towns were involved in trade among themselves, with other towns on the rest of the Indian sea coast, and with many foreign lands. That the role of the two principles could vary at different levels within a first-order division has also been seen. The Brahmans were divided into such divisions as Audich, Bhargav, Disawal, Khadayata, Khedawal, Mewada, Modh, Nagar, Shrigaud, Shrimali, Valam, Vayada, and Zarola. Leva Kanbis, numbering 400,000 to 500,000 m 1931, were the traditional agricultural caste of central Gujarat. The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. The arrival of the East India Company, however sounded the death knell for the Indian textile industry. That Rajputs were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. The two together formed a single complex of continental dimension. During Mughal Empire India was manufacturing 27% of world's textile and Gujarati weavers dominated along with Bengali weavers in Indian textile trade industry overseas. State Id State Name Castecode Caste Subcaste 4 GUJARAT 4001 AHIR SORATHA 4 GUJARAT 4002 AHIR 4 GUJARAT 4003 ANSARI 4 GUJARAT 4004 ANVIL BRAHMIN 4 GUJARAT 4005 ATIT BAYAJI BAKSHI PANCH 4 GUJARAT 4006 BAJANIYA 4 GUJARAT 4007 BAJIR . The Rajputs in Radhvanaj, the village I have studied in central Gujarat, had no great difficulty in establishing their claim to being Rajputs: they owned substantial amounts of land under a traditional Rajput tenure, dominated village politics and possessed certain other traditional Rajput symbols. It has already been mentioned that every first-order division was not divided into second-order divisions, and that every second-order division was not divided into third-order divisions, and so on. Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. In effect, the Vania population in a large town like Ahmedabad could have a considerable number of small endogamous units of the third or the fourth order, each with its entire population living and marrying within the town itself. Weavers became beggars, manufacturing collapsed and the last 2000 years of Indian textile industry was knocked down. Apparently this upper boundary of the division was sharp and clear, especially when we remember that many of these royal families practised polygyny and female infanticide until middle of the 19th century (see Plunkett 1973; Viswa Nath 1969, 1976). To give just one example, one large street in Baroda, of immigrant Kanbis from the Ahmedabad area, named Ahmedabadi Pol, was divided into two small parallel streets. To illustrate, among the Khadayata or Modh Vanias, an increasing number of marriages take place between two or more tads within an ekda. There was another kind of ambiguity about the Brahman status or two other divisionsKayatia and Tapodhan. The change from emphasis on hierarchy to emphasis on division is becoming increasingly significant in view of the growth of urban population both in absolute number and in relation to the total population. The main aim of this paper is to discuss, on the basis of data derived mainly from Gujarat, these and other problems connected with the horizontal dimension of caste.
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